By Chelsea Sweeney

Diseases such as AIDS and malaria have been the main focus of worldwide campaigns designed to raise awareness and find a cure.  Sicknesses such as these certainly deserve the dedication given to eliminate them, as they have taken the lives of millions in Africa.  But less talked about is a fatal neurological sickness affecting children, spreading through northern Uganda and the surrounding area.  This illness, called nodding disease, is a serious and mysterious condition with no cure in sight.  

This sickness was first observed in the 1960’s in Tanzania.  Children with this disease are affected by seizures that appear as if the child is simply nodding off and losing focus.  But they are not simply slipping into some afternoon daydream.  This is the beginning of a series of seizures that will slowly worsen and affect the child’s development.  The triggers of the seizures are common things such as food, heat, and cold weather.  If a simple activity such as eating triggers seizures, then children will begin to eat less and less, creating stunted physical development.  As the seizures worsen, it is common for the children to fall down, or wander off, usually harming themselves in the process.  It eventually reaches a point where they cannot function on their own.  The stigma in many communities is enormous, and children in the latest stages of seizures have been compared to zombies.  

Nodding disease has affected over 3000 children, primarily between 5 and 15, and approximately 170 have died.  No one knows where this disease comes from, or what could cure it.  The Ugandan government has taken some action to stop it, creating nodding disease screening centers.  The WHO is also closely involved in research and treatment.  They have discovered that anti-epilepsy medication helps, but does not cure this disease.  Many scientists believe that there is a connection between this sickness and a worm that causes a disease called river blindness.  But while there are always cases of river blindness diagnosed where nodding disease is common, there are many areas of Africa with high river blindness rates and no sign of nodding disease.  It is a strange case that will likely remain unsolved in the near future.  

By Chelsea Sweeney

African Renaissance, a symbol of Wade's extravagance

Senegal has long been an example of democracy in West Africa.  In an area plagued by  coups and political conflict, Senegal has been able to maintain a relatively stable democratic society, the only country in the region to never experience a coup.  But this year’s presidential election threatened to ruin this history of peaceful democracy.

The incumbent president, Abdoulaye Wade, ruled the country since his election in 2000.    He was elected for two terms, the first term lasting seven years, until a constitutional amendment changed the term to five years for his second term.  If he followed this constitutional change, he would not have been allowed to run again.  But prior to this election, he changed the constitution once again, restoring the prior seven year term length and removing the term limits.  This change allowed him to run once again for a third term.

The Senegalese people were upset with this change.  Wade faced many criticisms, as the public believed he was not addressing the economic problems of the majority, focusing more on grand projects such as the recent construction of a $27 million bronze monument called “African Renaissance” built by a North Korean company.  His age was also a factor, as few trusted that this 85 year old would be able to effectively govern for another seven year term.  

Macky Sall was the man who stepped up in opposition to Wade’s campaign.  He was once a major figure in Wade’s government, until they split over an argument about Wade’s son Karim, who many believed was being groomed for the presidency.  The majority of the public supported Sall in the election, as Senegal faced violent protests against Wade’s election campaign.  The initial vote at the end of February was not decisive, as neither candidate received the majority.  A run-off vote was scheduled for a month later in March.  In this round of voting, Macky Sall was declared the victor.   

Due to Wade’s prior refusal to step down, many were afraid that he would continue to cling to power, plunging the country into a conflict similar to neighboring Cote d’Ivoire’s election violence.  But soon after Macky Sall was elected, Wade accepted defeat, and congratulated his rival on the victory.  The historical pattern of stable democratic elections was continued.  Now it is up to Sall to follow through on his promises of restoring five year term lengths, a maximum of two terms, and creating economic reforms to combat rising prices and unemployment.  Hopefully his efforts will be successful, and he will be able to maintain Senegal’s image as a icon of democracy and progress in West Africa.  

This post reflects the author’s personal opinions, not the opinions of Arizona Model United Nations.

by Chelsea Sweeney

Tuareg Fighters AP Photo/David Guttenfelder

The government of Mali is the latest to fall as a result of the Arab Spring revolutions.  Last week’s military coup was a surprise to the world, as Mali has been a democratic country for the last twenty years.  The current president, Amadou Toumani Toure, came to power by leading a military coup against a violent dictator in 1991.  He willingly handed over power to a civilian government, and only returned to politics after winning fair elections in 2002.  He was reelected president in 2007, and planned to follow constitutional limits on presidential terms by stepping down after next month’s elections.   There are few grievances against the government and its leader, except within the Malian army.  They are furious at the government’s response to the current Tuareg rebellion in the northern part of the country.

The Tuaregs are a nomadic people who live in the Sahara, predominantly in southern Algeria and Libya, and northern Niger and Mali.  There are estimated to be 2-3 million Tuaregs, with one million concentrated in northern Mali.  The Tuareg have long been unhappy with their treatment from the government, and desire their own state, Azawad, in northern Mali.  Mali’s history has been marked by multiple Tuareg rebellions, but they were never successful.  A 2009 peace agreement appeared to end the fighting, but the death of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi has unexpectedly tipped the scales.

Gaddafi was a strong supporter of rebellions and military movements throughout Africa, including the Tuareg.  When his rule was challenged, the Tuareg fought on his side against the Libyan revolutionaries.  Although Gaddafi was killed, the Tuareg people did not go home empty handed.  The new weaponry they acquired in Libya was brought back to Mali, and is being used to reinvigorate their battle against the Malian government.  In past rebellions, the Tuaregs were defeated by the better equipped Mali army.  But the Tuaregs are now fighting with more sophisticated weaponry, and will not be forced back into desert hideaways.  The Tuaregs are now organized under the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad, or MNLA,  and have been taking control of strategic towns in the north, putting up an impressive fight.

The Malian army has been protesting for months at the lack of suitable weapons and equipment needed to fight this rebellion, and are also frustrated by the lack of good leadership required to combat the strong Tuareg fighters.  The tensions could no longer be contained, and the army essentially staged a rebellion to better fight another rebellion.  But it is currently unclear how the military will use their new power to effectively fight the Tuaregs. Government instability may just give strength to the Tuareg cause, and some western governments have condemned the coup and cut off aid to the country until Toure is reinstated as president.  The army certainly had reason for their anger, but it is unlikely that this coup will give them a better position to fight the Tuareg forces.

This post reflects the author’s personal opinions, not the opinions of Arizona Model United Nations.

By Chelsea Sweeney

Kony 2012 has spread Invisible Children’s message to over 80 million people in only a few days, with the help of social media such as Facebook.  This campaign to arrest Joseph Kony, the despicable leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army, was quickly followed by controversy.  While everyone wishes this video provides the perfect solution to the horrific use of child soldiers in armed conflict, there are faults that can’t be ignored.

The primary problem of this campaign is the focus on Uganda.  Kony has not been in Uganda for many years, and they are no longer suffering under his terror.  While the video briefly mentions that the LRA was driven into surrounding countries, the overall video paints a different picture.  It appears that Kony is the dominant villain of northern Uganda, with tens of thousands of child soldiers currently at his command, instead of the actual few hundred troops hiding away with him in a neighboring country.  Many Ugandans are extremely offended by this video, and dislike the image of their country that is portrayed.  It focuses on past problems and the feelings of white Americans, instead of current issues and how the Ugandans are dealing with recovery.

Military intervention by the United States is also a complex problem.  American military forces have already tried to arrest Kony, such as in the unsuccessful Operation Lightning Thunder, a failed mission to storm Kony’s headquarters in 2008.  Many of the US military advisors were already stationed in Africa as part of a permanent United States force, and continue to remain.  The Ugandan military and government also do not have a clean human rights record, and giving them further support may have negative repercussions.

Despite the the widespread criticism of this campaign, and the bad press of its founders, this issue should not be turned into a laughingstock.  While there has been a great deal of misinformation, the fact that Kony has destroyed hundreds of lives should not be forgotten. There are still child soldiers currently being victimized, and former combatants trying to heal.  The cynics annoyed with seeing #Kony2012 on twitter should not prevent those who care from seeking accurate information and solutions.

Kony 2012 has succeeded as a starting point to get millions interested in the cause.  But few will take the challenging next step towards effective action, which cannot be limited to sharing a single video.  Social media activism has proven to be amazing at mobilizing thousands overnight, seen in the online connections and support of the Arab Spring.  But after dictators like Mubarak, and Gaddafi were overthrown, few continued to tweet about how these countries are trying to rebuild.  Once the bad guy is defeated, the righteous anger of online activists quickly fades away, or becomes focused on the next popular cause.

If you truly want to make a difference, whether you want to focus on child soldiers or any other issue, lasting change requires a commitment.  A commitment to a comprehensive understanding of the issue, and a commitment to following it through, even if it is no longer front page news.  Kony 2012 certainly has its faults, but I hope that the criticisms and controversy will not discourage future activists from becoming engaged in important issues, and taking action that will create a positive change in the world.

This post reflects the author’s personal opinions, not the opinions of Arizona Model United Nations.

By Chelsea Sweeney

Cocoa Beans. Courtesy of Nestle http://bit.ly/yXZF0z

Chocolate is a delicious addition to many holidays.  It is used to show love and affection on Valentine’s Day, but also dreaded by parents with hyperactive children on Halloween.  Like many goods in America, little thought is placed upon where this product originated, before it stocks the shelves of the local supermarket.  Over 70% of the world’s cocoa, the main ingredient in chocolate, is grown in West Africa.  Take a closer look at the conditions on these farms, and that sweet chocolate bar will leave a bitter taste in your mouth.  Modern day slavery, or human trafficking, is a huge problem in this industry.  Children make up the majority of the labor force, pushed into shocking conditions so the rest of the world can have a cheap sugar rush.  

Thousands of children are trapped in cocoa production.  In the race to grow cocoa in the cheapest way possible, many farmers look to child slave labor.  Poverty-stricken families with no options sometimes end up selling their children to farm owners, often unaware of the horrible conditions their child will face.  They are exposed to dangerous pesticides, and must work with tools such as machetes to harvest the cocoa beans.  Children are often injured in harvesting and processing the cocoa, yet they are unable to leave and attend school.

The majority of this occurs in Cote d’Ivoire, where 40% of the world’s cocoa is grown.  Some children are smuggled from neighboring countries such as Burkina Faso and Mali into this major cocoa producing area, which also includes Ghana, Cameroon, and Nigeria.  The average age of these child workers is 12-16, but some children as young as 7 or 8 have been found harvesting cocoa beans, without ever enjoying a bite of chocolate themselves.

While the situation of these children needs greater attention, I am not calling upon the world to give up all chocolate.  Giving into your sweet tooth does not always mean you are supporting child labor trafficking. There are many farmers making an honest living growing cocoa, and an absolute chocolate boycott would actually hurt their possibilities of economic development.  But when large companies claim that all of their sources are farmers following fair labor standards, they are choosing to overlook the suppliers who are using child labor.  

Pressure on these companies has achieved some positive results, as Hershey’s recently pledged $10 billion to address labor issues within their products.  They have taken steps in the past to respond to criticisms, so time will tell if this recent move is a genuine attempt to solve this problem, or another way to generate headlines to improve their image.   

It is also important to tackle this issue through wider development initiatives in the area.  Yes, buying chocolate with a Fair Trade label is guaranteed to have no child labor, with all workers are paid a fair wage.  But if a family is desperate enough to sell their child into slavery on a cocoa farm, they would probably find a similar avenue to take if that cocoa farm supporting child labor is shut down.  The larger issue of child trafficking can be fought through the what the State Department has called the three P’s: Prevention, Prosecution, and Protection.  Economic development and education will go a long way in preventing children from being targeted, and prosecution of traffickers will directly impact their trafficking business.  The category of protection contains many objectives, such as helping children heal from their experiences, and providing them an education to help them grow in the future, so they would not fall back into the desperate poverty that forced them to work in the first place.  If these strategies are taken more seriously, then we can be assured that the next box of chocolates we open up will be a truly sweet treat, not tainted with the bitter taste of slavery.  

This post reflects the author’s personal opinions and not the opinions of Arizona Model United Nations.  

Incorrectly printed shirts given away for free in Africa. World Vision

By Chelsea Sweeney

Another year’s Super Bowl has ended in the United States, creating an unexpected ripple effect in parts of Africa’s economy.  Africa is unlikely to cross the minds of fans cheering on their favorite team, but there are surprising economic consequences in Africa resulting from this American tradition.  What the fans do not see are the thousands of shirts that were donated to Africa, incorrectly commemorating the losing team as victorious.  The NFL pre-prints thousands of shirts and other merchandise before the game is even played.  The shirts that accurately celebrate the results of the game are sold in American stores, and the rest are donated and given out for free in Africa.  

This direct donation of goods is called “gifts in kind” by non-governmental organizations, and is a common action taken by private individuals, as well as companies such as TOMS shoes, which gives away a free pair of shoes in developing countries for every pair bought in stores.  On the surface, giving away free items is an obvious step to help those in need.  But could there be negative consequences from giving free products to people in developing countries?  In some cases, these kind of donations can have negative economic repercussions that hinder actual economic development.

When large quantities of goods are given away for free, local markets that are perfectly capable of producing these goods themselves find they are unable to complete with the flood of free items.  A local salesman selling shirts may suddenly find himself out of business, forced to compete with the thousands of free shirts that were dumped in his town.  Or a local shoemaker may have to stop production because his community was provided free shoes made somewhere else.  This form of aid that simply gives everything away for free is heavily criticized, because it contradicts the main goal of economic development, which is to create a thriving and sustainable economy that can grow without being guided every step of the way by outside agents.  Programs such as the Super Bowl donations and One Million Shirts for Africa set up a system that depends on free stuff constantly flowing in from the West, causing harm to long-term economic progress.  Some try to put a positive spin on this kind of aid, such as the “Day Without Shoes” campaign by TOMS.  But their efforts were mocked in a “Day Without Dignity,” challenging assumptions that Western countries are responsible for providing every basic necessity for Africa, instead of supporting local production and employment.

Donating free goods is a perfectly logical action when there are items that are absolutely in need, such as vaccines, or food and clothing during a disaster.  But disaster relief is much different than building an unsustainable economic system. The focus should not be on coming up with a reason to send the stuff we don’t want to Africa.  Time and money would be better spent going towards infrastructure projects that are actually in need, creating a sustainable future not fueled by losing Super Bowl teams and the accumulated junk in America’s closets. 

This post reflects the author’s personal opinions, not the opinions of Arizona Model United Nations.

A monument representing Somaliland. unpo.org

By Chelsea Sweeney

Somalia is the world’s best example of a failed state.  Warring clans forced the president out of power in 1991, and no subsequent leadership has succeeded in holding the country together.  Despite the support of the United Nations and African Union troops, the current transitional government controls nothing but a small area of the capital.  The surrounding area is under the power of Islamic militants such as al-Shabab, and invading Kenyan forces are creating even more destruction trying to remove the militants from power.  On the coast, pirates are a dangerous force, threatening all who sail in the surrounding waters.  When famine hit the entire Horn of Africa last year, thousands died or were forced to flee, as aid was hindered by both militants and an ineffective government. 

It would be easy to consider Somalia a lost cause, doomed to never find a successful solution to its turmoil.  But there is hope within the little-known nation of Somaliland.  Amid the chaos destroying the majority of the country, Somaliland is a relatively peaceful region, and could even be seen as an example for all of Africa.  Somaliland declared its independence in 1991, forming its own constitution, government, and currency.  They established an effective police force, and the president gained power as a result of free and fair elections.  Somaliland is not a perfect country, with much of the economy funded by remittances from citizens living abroad. But poverty and unemployment are problems that arguably every country faces in some amount, and Somaliland is otherwise very successful.  The stability of Somaliland makes it appear as if the mayhem ruining Somalia is occurring thousands of miles away.  

Somaliland is practically functioning as an independent state, yet there has been almost no international recognition of it as a sovereign country.  It is not for lack of trying, as Somaliland is working hard to prove they deserve independence.  There is historical precedent for this request, as Somaliland was originally a separate British protectorate.  They were granted independence for a short time in 1960, before  joining the former Italian colony of Somalia to create the present-day country.  Now that the central government in Mogadishu is no use, Somaliland hopes to turn back the clock and restore their previous sovereign status.  

But the wishes of Somaliland are being ignored.  The African Union and Western countries are focusing their attention on other states-in-waiting such as Palestine, or the newly independent country of South Sudan.  Their reasoning is understandable, for the African Union cannot simply redraw borders on demand.  Giving in to every separatist group would only create more problems, as a passion for secession does not necessarily lead to an effective government.  But Somaliland is different.  They do not simply want to secede for ethnic or religious reasons.  Their functioning government and stable society is being brought down by the dead weight of Somalia’s transitional government.  If they are granted independence, they will continue to thrive as they have in the past, only with greater status on the world stage.   

The new country of Somaliland would be even more successful than South Sudan, as many institutional frameworks already exist and run effectively.  The biggest obstruction to their otherwise reasonable demands for independence would be their neighbor, Puntland.  This area is another autonomous region that functions independently of the rest of Somalia, only they are not arguing for independence.  The border between Puntland and Somaliland is being disputed by various ethnic groups living between the two areas.  If this problem is able to be resolved, Somaliland is ready to join South Sudan as the newest sovereign state emerging from Africa.  

This post reflects the author’s personal opinions, not the opinions of Arizona Model United Nations.